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TITLE: CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE AND THE JURGURTHINE WAR
AUTHOR: SALLUST
EBOOK: E05515 (O'Briens Book Cellar)
LANGUAGE: ENGLISH

SALLUST'S

CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE AND THE JUGURTHINE WAR

LITERALLY TRANSLATED WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES BY THE REV. JOHN SELBY
WATSON, M.A.

CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE.

THE ARGUMENT.

The Introduction, I.-IV. The character of Catiline, V. Virtues of the
ancient Romans, VI.-IX. Degeneracy of their posterity, X.-XIII.
Catiline's associates and supporters, and the arts by which he
collected them, XIV. His crimes and wretchedness, XV. His tuition of
his accomplices, and resolution to subvert the government, XVI. His
convocation of the conspirators, and their names, XVII. His concern in
a former conspiracy, XVIII., XIX. Speech to the conspirators, XX. His
promises to them, XXI. His supposed ceremony to unite them, XXII. His
designs discovered by Fulvia, XXIII. His alarm on the election of
Cicero to the consulship, and his design in engaging women in his
cause, XXIV. His accomplice, Sempronia, characterized, XXV. His
ambition of the consulship, his plot to assassinate Cicero, and his
disappointment in both, XXVI. His mission of Manlius into Etruria, and
his second convention of the conspirators, XXVII. His second attempt
to kill Cicero; his directions to Manlius well observed, XXVIII. His
machinations induce the Senate to confer extraordinary power on the
consuls, XXIX. His proceedings are opposed by various precautions,
XXX. His effrontery in the Senate, XXXI. He sets out for Etruria,
XXXII. His accomplice, Manlius, sends a deputation to Marcius, XXXIII.
His representations to various respectable characters, XXXIV. His
letter to Catulus, XXXV. His arrival at Manlius's camp; he is declared
an enemy by the Senate; his adherents continue faithful and resolute,
XXXVI. The discontent and disaffection of the populace in Rome,
XXXVII. The old contentions between the patricians and plebeians,
XXXVIII. The effect which a victory of Catiline would have produced,
XXXIX. The Allobroges are solicited to engage in the conspiracy, XL.
They discover it to Cicero, XLI. The incaution of Catiline's
accomplices in Gaul and Italy, XLII. The plans of his adherents at
Rome, XLIII. The Allobroges succeed in obtaining proofs of the
conspirators' guilt, XLIV. The Allobroges and Volturcius are arrested
by the contrivance of Cicero, XLV. The principal conspirators at Rome
are brought before the Senate, XLVI. The evidence against them, and
their consignment to custody, XLVII. The alteration in the minds of
the populace, and the suspicions entertained against Crassus, XLVIII.
The attempts of Catulus and Piso to criminate Caesar, XLIX. The plans
of Lentulus and Cethegus for their rescue, and the deliberations of
the Senate, L. The speech of Caesar on the mode of punishing the
conspirators, LI. The speech of Cato on the same subject, LII. The
condemnation of the prisoners; the causes of Roman greatness, LIII.
Parallel between Caesar and Cato, LIV. The execution of the criminals,
LV. Catiline's warlike preparations in Etruria, LVI. He is compelled
by Metullus and Antonius to hazard an action, LVII. His exhortation to
his men, LVIII. His arrangements, and those of his opponents, for the
battle, LIX. His bravery, defeat, and death, LX., LXI.

        *        *        *        *        *

I. It becomes all men, who desire to excel other animals,[1] to strive,
to the utmost of their power,[2] not to pass through life in obscurity,
[3] like the beasts of the field,[4] which nature has formed groveling[5]
and subservient to appetite.

All our power is situate in the mind and in the body.[6] Of the mind
we rather employ the government;[7] of the body the service.[8] The
one is common to us with the gods; the other with the brutes. It
appears to me, therefore, more reasonable[9]to pursue glory by means
of the intellect than of bodily strength, and, since the life which we
enjoy is short, to make the remembrance of us as lasting as possible.
For the glory of wealth and beauty is fleeting and perishable; that of
intellectual power is illustrious and immortal.[10]

Yet it was long a subject of dispute among mankind, whether military
efforts were more advanced by strength of body, or by force of
intellect. For, in affairs of war, it is necessary to plan before
beginning to act,[11] and, after planning, to act with promptitude
and vigor.[12] Thus, each[13] being insufficient of itself, the one
requires the assistance of the other.[14]

II. In early times, accordingly, kings (for that was the first title
of sovereignty in the world) applied themselves in different ways;[15]
some exercised the mind, others the body. At that period, however,[16]
the life of man was passed without covetousness;[17] every one was
satisfied with his own. But after Cyrus in Asia[18] and the
Lacedaemonians and Athenians in Greece, began to subjugate cities and
nations, to deem the lust of dominion a reason for war, and to imagine
the greatest glory to be in the most extensive empire, it was then at
length discovered, by proof and experience,[19] that mental power has
the greatest effect in military operations. And, indeed,[20] if the
intellectual ability[21] of kings and magistrates[22] were exerted to
the same degree in peace as in war, human affairs would be more
orderly and settled, and you would not see governments shifted from
hand to hand,[23] and things universally changed and confused. For
dominion is easily secured by those qualities by which it was at first
obtained. But when sloth has introduced itself in the place of industry,
and covetousness and pride in that of moderation and equity, the fortune
of a state is altered together with its morals; and thus authority is
always transferred from the less to the more deserving.[24]

Even in agriculture,[25] in navigation, and in architecture, whatever
man performs owns the dominion of intellect. Yet many human beings,
resigned to sensuality and indolence, un-instructed and unimproved,
have passed through life like travellers in a strange country[26]; to
whom, certainly, contrary to the intention of nature, the body was a
gratification, and the mind a burden. Of these I hold the life and
death in equal estimation[27]; for silence is maintained concerning
both. But he only, indeed, seems to me to live, and to enjoy life,
who, intent upon some employment, seeks reputation from some ennobling
enterprise, or honorable pursuit.

But in the great abundance of occupations, nature points out different
paths to different individuals. III. To act well for the Commonwealth
is noble, and even to speak well for it is not without merit[28]. Both
in peace and in war it is possible to obtain celebrity; many who have
acted, and many who have recorded the actions of others, receive their
tribute of praise. And to me, assuredly, though by no means equal
glory attends the narrator and the performer of illustrious deeds, it
yet seems in the highest degree difficult to write the history of
great transactions; first, because deeds must be adequately
represented[29] by words; and next, because most readers consider that
whatever errors you mention with censure, are mentioned through
malevolence and envy; while, when you speak of the great virtue and
glory of eminent men, every one hears with acquiescence[30] only that
which he himself thinks easy to be performed; all beyond his own
conception he regards as fictitious and incredible[31].

I myself, however, when a young man[32], was at first led by
inclination, like most others, to engage in political affairs[33]; but
in that pursuit many circumstances were unfavorable to me; for,
instead of modesty, temperance, and integrity[34], there prevailed
shamelessness, corruption, and rapacity. And although my mind,
inexperienced in dishonest practices, detested these vices, yet, in
the midst of so great corruption, my tender age was insnared and
infected[35] by ambition; and, though I shrunk from the vicious
principles of those around me, yet the same eagerness for honors, the
same obloquy and jealousy[36], which disquieted others, disquieted
myself.

IV. When, therefore, my mind had rest from its numerous troubles and
trials, and I had determined to pass the remainder of my days
unconnected with public life, it was not my intention to waste my
valuable leisure in indolence and inactivity, or, engaging in servile
occupations, to spend my time in agriculture or hunting[37]; but,
returning to those studies[38] from which, at their commencement, a
corrupt ambition had allured me, I determined to write, in detached
portions[39], the transactions of the Roman people, as any occurrence
should seem worthy of mention; an undertaking to which I was the
rather inclined, as my mind was uninfluenced by hope, fear, or
political partisanship. I shall accordingly give a brief account, with
as much truth as I can, of the Conspiracy of Catiline; for I think it
an enterprise eminently deserving of record, from the unusual nature
both of its guilt and of its perils. But before I enter upon my
narrative, I must give a short description of the character of the
man.

V. Lucius Catiline was a man of noble birth[40], and of eminent mental
and personal endowments; but of a vicious and depraved disposition.
His delight, from his youth, had been civil commotions, bloodshed,
robbery, and sedition[41]; and in such scenes he had spent his early
years.[42] His constitution could endure hunger, want of sleep, and
cold, to a degree surpassing belief. His mind was daring, subtle, and
versatile, capable of pretending or dissembling whatever he wished.[43]
He was covetous of other men's property, and prodigal of his own. He
had abundance of eloquence,[44] though but little wisdom. His
insatiable ambition was always pursuing objects extravagant, romantic,
and unattainable.

Since the time of Sylla's dictatorship,[45] a strong desire of seizing
the government possessed him, nor did he at all care, provided that he
secured power[46] for himself, by what means he might arrive at it.
His violent spirit was daily more and more hurried on by the
diminution of his patrimony, and by his consciousness of guilt; both
which evils he had increased by those practices which I have mentioned
above. The corrupt morals of the state, too, which extravagance and
selfishness, pernicious and contending vices, rendered thoroughly
depraved,[47] furnished him with additional incentives to action.

Since the occasion has thus brought public morals under my notice, the
subject itself seems to call upon me to look back, and briefly to
describe the conduct of our ancestors[48] in peace and war; how they
managed the state, and how powerful they left it; and how, by gradual
alteration, it became, from being the most virtuous, the most vicious
and depraved.

VI. Of the city of Rome, as I understand,[49] the founders and
earliest inhabitants were the Trojans, who, under the conduct of
Aeneas, were wandering about as exiles from their country, without any
settled abode; and with these were joined the Aborigines,[50] a savage
race of men, without laws or government, free, and owning no control.
How easily these two tribes, though of different origin, dissimilar
language, and opposite habits of life, formed a union when they met
within the same walls, is almost incredible.[51] But when their state,
from an accession of population and territory, and an improved
condition of morals, showed itself tolerably flourishing and powerful,
envy, as is generally the case in human affairs, was the consequence
of its prosperity. The neighboring kings and people, accordingly,

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